Alexander and Diogenes: Introduction
The most conspicuous dog in Edwin Landseer's Alexander and Diogenes is also the one whose authority is being tested. White, upright and furnished with an imposing collar, he stands before a smaller, rough-coated animal occupying a barrel. Behind him gathers an assortment of dogs whose differing expressions turn a meeting into a public occasion. The title supplies their identities: Alexander the Great has come to visit the philosopher Diogenes, who has little use for the favours of a king. Exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1848, the painting makes power visible through an animal's commanding presence, then gives the decisive position to the dog who appears to possess least.[1][2]
This is a substantial oil painting rather than a small comic illustration. Tate's published collection record gives its canvas support as 112.4 centimetres high by 142.9 centimetres wide. It belongs to Tate as accession N00608 through Jacob Bell's bequest of 1859. Its combination of classical subject, crowded canine company and ordinary working objects lets several sorts of attention coexist: enjoyment of the dogs, recognition of social behaviour, and reflection on what it means to need nothing from someone powerful. The humour depends on the precise encounter between these animals, rather than on a general assertion that dogs resemble people.[1][2]
At a Glance
This work across Edwin Landseer’s career
The Cat's Paw
c. 1824 [4]The Hunting of Chevy Chase
1825–26 [5]Alexander and Diogenes (current article)
exhibited 1848 [9]The Monarch of the Glen
about 1851 [10]Contents
- A king visits the philosopher
- The white dog and the dark opening
- A household made from very little
- Courtiers without human costumes
- Character, breeds and unidentified models
- Painting an anecdote for the Academy
- Related pictures, without a fixed pair
- Bell's painting and its public life
- The image beyond the canvas
- Darwin asks a different question
A king visits the philosopher
The literary foundation is an anecdote told in Plutarch's Life of Alexander. At Corinth, Alexander receives the congratulations of public figures and philosophers, but Diogenes does not come to pay his respects. The king therefore visits him and finds him lying in the sunlight. Asked whether he wants anything, the philosopher requests that Alexander move out of his sun. Instead of taking offence, Alexander admires this independence and tells his companions that, were he someone other than himself, he would choose to be Diogenes. Plutarch presents an instructive encounter between two kinds of greatness; the story's survival does not make it an eyewitness record.[13]
Landseer's first exhibition audience had more than the title to guide it. Robin Hamlyn's catalogue entry records the explanatory passage accompanying the painting at the Academy, where it was numbered 208. That text outlined the request for sunshine, the courtiers' indignation and Alexander's admiring response. The picture was therefore offered as an intelligible classical adaptation, with its verbal key openly supplied. Knowledge of the anecdote changes the apparent direction of power: the standing visitor may dominate the space, but he has entered the philosopher's territory and cannot offer him anything he particularly desires.[2]
The image concentrates on the uncomfortable meeting rather than illustrating every stage of the exchange. Alexander's eventual admiration cannot be read as a sequence of actions across the canvas. His rigid bearing and the surrounding company hold the encounter in suspense. That compression gives the picture its comic energy: one animal seems to expect an appropriate reception, while the other remains settled in his modest accommodation. Words explain why the visit matters; the physical imbalance makes the explanation amusing. The viewer can grasp the confrontation before deciding whether to admire either protagonist without reservation.[2]
The wording supplied in 1848 also sharpened the adaptation. In Hamlyn's transcription, Alexander's question is condescending and his courtiers resent the honour paid to Diogenes, described as an old dog. The canine joke was therefore already present in the explanation, not left entirely to the spectator to invent. That resentment gives the companions a stronger collective grievance than mere surprise at an eccentric philosopher. They defend the rules by which visits, favours and attention confirm social standing. The figure in the shelter frustrates those rules through his lack of interest, leaving the audience to judge the value of the ceremony gathering around him.[2]

Alexander and Diogenes. Tate. Image source. Public domain.
The white dog and the dark opening
Landseer gives Alexander the strongest immediate claim on attention. His pale coat separates him from the darker surroundings, while his upright legs and broad chest establish a firm vertical presence. The turn of his head takes that concentration of brightness towards the barrel, directing attention to the less conspicuous dog inside it. The two principals do not meet on equal visual terms: one is exposed and prominent, the other partially enclosed. Yet the barrel's curved opening makes a second centre within the picture. It frames Diogenes and holds the eye after the brighter body has first attracted it.[2]
The arrangement creates an opposition between display and occupation. Alexander appears with the space and company required for an entrance; Diogenes already possesses a place in which he can remain. Landseer does not need to clothe the dogs as ancient Greeks or provide recognisable architecture at Corinth. Their bodies, the collar and the shelter establish a social distinction more quickly than archaeological scenery would. The circular enclosure also gives the white profile a dark background against which its outline becomes especially clear. Visual contrast does the work of confrontation before the small differences of expression are examined.[2]
Below the exchange, the tools and provisions spread across the foreground establish a different rhythm from the crowded heads above. They make a low, occupied surface beneath the standing dog, keeping the encounter attached to a material setting. The barrel's rim, the implements and the overlapping bodies also provide distinct kinds of boundary: enclosure, usable space and the press of company. Diogenes belongs to the first; Alexander brings the last. Their proximity is close enough to make the meeting immediate, while the darker recess prevents the smaller dog from becoming simply another member of the visitor's group. Composition protects his separateness.[2]
Alexander's collar adds another complication. Hamlyn observes that its hanging padlock resembles a campaign decoration. That is a persuasive visual analogy rather than an inscription identifying a particular military honour. The object can suggest the distinguished equipment of a ruler while remaining an ordinary dog's collar. Its double character is central to the painting's economy: Landseer retains the accessories of canine life and lets them acquire human associations. Alexander looks privileged, but the visible apparatus of possession also makes him a less straightforward emblem of freedom than the poorly housed animal he confronts.[2]
A household made from very little
The objects around Diogenes extend the encounter beyond a contest of faces. The foreground contains working tools, including a hammer and a box of nails, while vegetables and a lantern belong to the little world around the shelter. These are concrete things with uses, surfaces and positions; they do not become meaningless once the classical reference has been recognised. Their proximity to the reclining dog gives the left side the character of an inhabited working corner. Against the visitors' crowded presence, the sparse provisions suggest a life requiring comparatively little equipment or ceremony.[2]
Hamlyn connects these accessories with several traditions about the philosopher. The lantern recalls the story of Diogenes looking for an honest man in daylight; the plain food and rough covering suggest his rejection of luxury. The picture consequently brings together material associated with more than the sunshine anecdote. It is a compact account of a philosophical character, assembled around an animal who can plausibly occupy such a shelter. The lamp should not, however, be taken as proof that the whole scene is lit artificially. Its narrative function and the source of the painting's illumination are separate questions.[2]
The barrel itself belongs to the familiar European image of Diogenes, although Hamlyn notes that the ancient accommodation is more properly understood as a large earthenware vessel. Landseer's version works particularly well as a dog's home. The discrepancy is revealing: the image is constructed for recognition and comic correspondence, rather than as a reconstruction of ancient material culture. Philosophical independence has been translated into a habitation immediately comprehensible in a scene of canine life. The work asks how little its occupant needs, while also showing that he has possessions, shelter and a defensible place of his own.[2]
Courtiers without human costumes
The dogs on the right give Alexander's visit its social scale. Several heads rise behind his body; smaller animals occupy the nearer space, and differences in coat, muzzle and carriage keep the company from becoming an undifferentiated crowd. Some appear directed towards the encounter, while others seem involved in relations of their own. This dispersal of attention matters. A ruler's entourage can contain curiosity, deference and private distraction at once. Landseer makes the group readable through the spacing and direction of bodies, without requiring every animal to act out the same response.[2]
Contemporary viewers recognised the courtly satire. The Athenaeum reviewer of 13 May 1848 singled out gossip on the right and saw flattery and hypocrisy among the attendants. These are interpretations of represented behaviour, rather than documented descriptions of particular dogs' temperaments. They nevertheless show that the picture's social argument was available at its first exhibition. The company was being read as a collection of manners, not simply admired as a display of breeds. The sovereign's encounter with a self-sufficient outsider becomes funnier because it takes place before an audience that has its own investment in rank.[14]
The animals do not all support a single moral with equal clarity. Their varied responses encourage the viewer to move between the main exchange and minor incidents. One can follow a lifted muzzle, a sidelong look or a neighbouring head and temporarily lose sight of the central philosopher. That wandering attention reproduces something of the scene's social structure: the group possesses interests beyond the business that brought it there. Alexander has followers, but their presence does not necessarily give him greater moral authority. Numbers and conspicuousness can also make dependence visible.[2][14]
Character, breeds and unidentified models
Descriptions of the principal dogs have not been completely uniform. Hamlyn calls Alexander a white bull terrier; F. G. Stephens, writing in the nineteenth century, describes a bulldog. Both identify a compact, strongly built white animal whose bearing serves the role of the commanding visitor. Such wording belongs to the painting's descriptive history and should not be turned into a precise pedigree. The philosopher is a rough terrier-like dog, differentiated from Alexander by coat, position and surroundings. The secure identities are those assigned by the classical title, rather than authenticated personal names for the animals that may have posed.[2][15]
Stephens inferred a farrier's dog from the hammer and nail box. His inference is useful because it shows how a viewer could imagine an ordinary working life beneath the philosophical disguise. It does not establish the sitter's owner or occupation as a historical fact. Nor does the convincing specificity of the painted dogs allow a complete roster of named models to be reconstructed. The picture can contain closely observed animals without every observation having a recoverable biography. Its comedy would be weakened by replacing that distinction with unsupported stories about favourite pets.[15]
There is also a linguistic fitness in choosing Diogenes for a canine transformation. As Hamlyn points out, the name of Cynic philosophy is connected with the Greek word for dog. The substitution therefore has more force than an arbitrary change of species: the philosopher already carried a dog association in the tradition through which he was known. Landseer literalises that association, then gives the animal enough individuality to sustain the joke. The rough coat and unceremonious accommodation provide a counterweight to the titled visitor's immaculate prominence, without requiring a caricature of a named contemporary politician.[2]
Painting an anecdote for the Academy
The title initially promises a meeting between major figures from antiquity. The canvas then presents dogs amid tools, humble food and a makeshift home. Hamlyn reads this incongruity as a challenge to the elevated expectations attached to historical subjects at the Royal Academy. The point is not that Landseer simply abandons the moral ambition of such painting. He preserves an exemplary confrontation between power and wisdom, while changing the bodies through which it is expressed. A subject capable of supporting an improving lesson becomes a vehicle for comedy without surrendering its intellectual structure.[2]
This helps explain the qualified enthusiasm of the Athenaeum. Its reviewer began from a reservation about employing art to deliver a concise moral, but found Landseer's achievement persuasive. The terrier seemed particularly apt, whereas Alexander was judged a more exaggerated transformation. Approval therefore contained a distinction between the protagonists rather than treating every part as equally natural or equally successful. The review's interest in facial character also invoked Lavater, showing how readily the dogs' physiognomies could be discussed through a human vocabulary of readable expression. That historical language records a way of looking; it does not validate a scientific system for deducing character from faces.[14]
The same notice paid sustained attention to handling. It found greater breadth of touch and facility in strokes conveying the direction and surface of hair, especially in this painting, and thought Landseer's imitators had been left behind. This is unusually valuable evidence because it prevents the subject from being reduced to its anecdote. An early viewer admired how the paint described the animals as well as what the dogs appeared to mean. The critic's judgement is an account of the exhibited surface in 1848, however, rather than a modern analysis of materials, layers or present condition.[14]
Related pictures, without a fixed pair
Landseer had already explored differences of status through canine bodies. Hamlyn places Alexander and Diogenes beside Low Life and High Life, and also compares it with Dignity and Impudence. Here, however, the opposition becomes an event. The two central characters meet, and a surrounding society watches them. The contrast is therefore less a simple juxtaposition of unlike animals than a test of how one form of authority behaves when it encounters another. The philosopher's refusal becomes intelligible through the visitor's presence, while Alexander's rank becomes visible through the resistance it fails to overcome.[2]
Laying Down the Law offers a closer comparison in the scale of its canine society. Hamlyn calls the two works companions in their proximity to the social satire associated with Punch. That comparison describes an artistic relationship, not evidence that the paintings were commissioned or designed as a physical pair. Their institutions differ: one presents legal authority through a company of dogs, the other sets a ruler's prestige against philosophical independence. They share the ability to let animal appearance carry recognisable human roles, but the classical text gives Alexander and Diogenes a particularly explicit narrative framework.[2]
A less imposing comparison concerns the barrel. Hamlyn relates the painting to Be It Ever So Humble, There's No Place Like Home of 1842, which depicts a terrier outside a barrel kennel. An ordinary element of canine habitation could thus support a domestic subject before acquiring the philosopher's identity here. This continuity anchors the classical joke in a familiar object. The shelter is simultaneously a place a dog might occupy and a sign through which a learned spectator recognises Diogenes. Neither reading has to cancel the other for the picture to work.[2]
Bell's painting and its public life
Jacob Bell owned Alexander and Diogenes, but the exact terms of its inception require caution. Hamlyn's provenance proposes that it was painted for Bell with a question mark. Ownership is secure; a fully documented original commission is a stronger claim. The distinction matters because Bell's later explanation is evidence of an owner's engagement with the work, without necessarily being a statement of the artist's initial instructions. The painting travelled beyond its Academy debut: the catalogue records exhibitions in Birmingham in 1854, Manchester in 1857, and at London's Marylebone Literary and Scientific Institution in 1859.[2]
For the Marylebone showing, Bell offered two possible approaches to the subject, as Hamlyn records. A viewer might enjoy a group of dogs or understand a domineering leader with flattering followers. That flexibility is significant. Bell did not require the animal subject to disappear beneath the allegory; he acknowledged that the same arrangement could reward different expectations. His social interpretation also gives a sharper edge to the entourage. The courtiers' attendance becomes a form of complicity, helping to sustain the prestige that the philosopher's refusal quietly exposes.[2]
Bell's bequest brought the painting into the National Gallery in 1859; Hamlyn records its transfer to Tate in 1897. Tate retains the bequest in the work's credit line. This sequence distinguishes the date of national acquisition from its later institutional home. The object could circulate through exhibitions before entering the public collection, while its subsequent identity became tied to the history of British art at Tate. They establish the durable public ownership of a work that began in private possession.[1][2]
The image beyond the canvas
Reproductive prints gave the encounter a life separate from the original painting. The Metropolitan Museum of Art holds a wood engraving dated 17 June 1848 from the Illustrated London News, catalogued to Horace Harral after Edwin Landseer. That dated object places a printed version in the same exhibition season. It is evidence of rapid reproduction, rather than a numerical measure of the painting's audience. The wood engraving also belongs to a different maker and medium: the name Landseer identifies the source artist, not the person responsible for every stage of the printed image.[16]
The Met also catalogues a larger reproductive print by Edwin's brother Thomas Landseer, dated 1852, combining etching, engraving and stipple on chine collé. Its example is a proof before letters, a description of a state before the finished lettering. The date should not be confused with that of the painting. Hamlyn's references to Thomas's correspondence with Bell place an impression and payments connected with the engraving in 1851, showing activity before the date attached to the Met's print. Those letters are known through the catalogue's account, rather than a surviving inscription visible on the canvas.[2][17]
The distinction between print and painting extends to description. The Met calls the philosopher's shelter an open pipe and identifies two basset hounds in the printed composition. Hamlyn's discussion of the painting emphasises the barrel and its classical associations. Such records can illuminate the reproductive image without settling every breed label for the original. What passed between media was the organised encounter: the dominant white animal, the sheltered interlocutor and the attending company. The printed versions made that arrangement available beyond a visit to the canvas, while remaining separate objects with their own dates, makers and physical histories.[2][17]
Darwin asks a different question
In April 1872, the painting entered a discussion governed by a very different purpose. Charles Darwin was seeking illustrations of canine expression and wrote to the animal painter Briton Riviere about a photograph. The editors of the Darwin Correspondence Project identify the enclosure as a photograph of Alexander and Diogenes. Darwin thought the photographed dog did not convey the hostile approach he wanted: in his account, the head should be lower, the ears directed forwards, and the hair on the neck and back visibly bristling. He was assessing suitability for a particular illustration, not reviewing the painting as an Academy exhibit.[18]
Riviere's reply of 3 April explicitly recognised the objections to Landseer's Alexander. He offered to attempt the required expressions and asked for woodblocks on which he might draw them directly. The exchange therefore concerns the construction of an alternative image as well as a criticism of an existing one. A commanding posture that communicates rank within Landseer's drama did not automatically meet Darwin's need for a representation of a dog approaching another with hostile feelings. The title and social setting do interpretive work that a scientific illustration, intended to demonstrate a particular attitude, cannot simply assume.[19]
Darwin's observation is most useful when kept at that scale. It does not prove that Landseer knew nothing about dogs, or that every viewer must reject Alexander's expression. It exposes the difference between reading a body as a character and selecting it as evidence for a behavioural explanation. The correspondence also records the intermediary role of photography: Darwin's judgement addressed a reproduction, whose identity is supplied by the editors' archival work. The painting's later reception thus includes a precise objection to its usefulness for another task, rather than an undifferentiated dispute between art and science.[18][19]
Independence remains uncomfortable
The philosopher's advantage is less simple than a cheerful victory for the underdog. Stephens's later description found pride in Diogenes as well as in Alexander, allowing the refusal of deference to become another kind of self-importance. His reading also questioned the white dog's human-looking brow. These reservations show how an admirer could enjoy Landseer's intelligence while resisting an entirely innocent interpretation of his protagonists. The smaller animal may reject a court's values and still be made to look pleased with its own superiority. The picture sustains the possibility because it presents a relationship rather than a diagram of virtue.[15]
That openness joins its otherwise different audiences. The Academy reviewer valued satire and paint handling; Bell allowed animal spectacle and social allegory to coexist; Darwin later asked whether the central posture could serve a specific account of hostility. Each response catches something the others leave unresolved. Within the canvas, the white body continues to command attention, but the modest shelter supplies the place towards which that attention must turn. Landseer gives prestige the more spectacular appearance and independence the firmer position. The encounter remains balanced between those unequal advantages, with the surrounding dogs making its discomfort public.[2][14][18]
Artworks directory
This directory gathers works discussed in the articles, including drawings, original etchings and prints after Landseer. It is not a complete catalogue of every drawing, version, plate or impression. Distinct media are kept separate; uncertain dates are left blank. Linked titles open individual articles.
| Name | Date | Medium |
|---|---|---|
| A Bellowing Stag | Drawing | |
| A Deerhound | 1826 | Painting |
| A Distinguished Member of the Humane Society | 1838 | Painting |
| A Highland Breakfast | 1834 | Painting |
| A Highland Landscape | c. 1830 | Painting |
| A Highland Shepherd's Home | Painting | |
| A Horse, Goat and Bull | 1811 | |
| A Hunting Horse | Drawing | |
| A Jack in Office | Painting | |
| A Lion Disturbed at His Repast | Painting | |
| A Random Shot | Painting | |
| A Scene at Abbotsford | Painting | |
| Adversity | Painting | |
| Alexander and Diogenes | exhibited 1848 | Painting |
| Alpine Mastiffs Reanimating a Distressed Traveler | 1820 | Painting |
| Contending Group after Nature | Drawing | |
| Copy after Rubens's Wolf and Fox Hunt | c. 1824–26 | Painting |
| Dash | Painting | |
| Deer and Deer Hounds in a Mountain Torrent ('The Hunted Stag') | c. 1832 / exhibited 1833 | Painting |
| Deer Family | ||
| Dignity and Impudence | 1839 | Painting |
| Dog Resting Upon a Couch | Drawing | |
| Eos | 1841 | Painting |
| Favourites, the Property of H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge | 1834–35 | Painting |
| Her Majesty Sketching at Loch Laggan | ||
| High Life | 1829 / exhibited 1831 | Painting |
| Highland Lassie | Drawing | |
| Isaac van Amburgh and his Animals | 1839 | Painting |
| Lady Godiva's Prayer | Painting | |
| Laying Down the Law | 1840 | Painting |
| Lion Defending Its Prey | c. 1840 | Painting |
| Lioness | Drawing | |
| Little Strollers | ||
| Low Life | 1829 / exhibited 1831 | Painting |
| Man Proposes, God Disposes | 1864 | Painting |
| Nell Gwynne / Diana Vernon | Painting | |
| Neptune | ||
| No Hunting Till the Weather Breaks | Painting | |
| Otterhounds | Drawing | |
| Peace | Painting | |
| Pensioners | Painting | |
| Portrait of a Mule | Painting | |
| Portrait of Mr Van Amburgh, as He Appeared with His Animals at the London Theatres | 1846–47 | Painting |
| Portraits of a Pointer Bitch and Puppy | Painting | |
| Pray Let Me Out | ||
| Prosperity | Painting | |
| Ptarmigan in a Landscape | by 1833 | Painting |
| Queen Victoria and Prince Albert at the Bal Costumé of 12 May 1842 | 1842–46 | Painting |
| Queen Victoria at Loch Laggan | Painting | |
| Queen Victoria at Osborne | 1865–67 | Painting |
| Queen Victoria landing at Loch Muick | Painting | |
| Rat-catching | 1823 | |
| Reclining Lion | Drawing | |
| Reclining Lion, From Back | Drawing | |
| Rent-day in the Wilderness | 1855–68 | Painting |
| Return from Deer Stalking | 1839 | |
| Royal Sports on Hill and Loch | Painting | |
| Sam Lovill, Porter at the Royal Academy | Drawing | |
| Scene from A Midsummer Night's Dream | 1848–51 | Painting |
| Scene in the Highlands, with portraits of the Duchess of Bedford, the Duke of Gordon and Lord Alexander Russell | Painting | |
| Scottish Highlands, Lochs and Figures | Drawing | |
| Shoeing | exhibited 1844 | Painting |
| Sleeping Bloodhound | exhibited 1835 | Painting |
| Spaniel and Rabbit | Painting | |
| Stag at Bay | 1866 | Sculpture |
| Stag at Bay | 1846 | Painting |
| Studies of a staghound and the head of a stag for painting ‘The Hunting of Chevy Chase’ | Drawing | |
| Study for Alpine Mastiffs Reanimating a Distressed Traveler | Drawing | |
| Study for the Monkey in The Cat's Paw | Drawing | |
| Study of a Dog | Drawing | |
| Study of a herding dog facing right | Drawing | |
| Study of the horse of Selene, from the East pediment of the Parthenon | Drawing | |
| Suspense | Painting | |
| Taking a Buck | ||
| The Arab Tent | c. 1865–66 | Painting |
| The Barn | Drawing | |
| The Best Run of the Season | ||
| The Cat's Paw | c. 1824 | Painting |
| The Cavalier’s Pets | ||
| The Challenge | Painting | |
| The Chase | Drawing | |
| The Connoisseurs: Portrait of the Artist with Two Dogs | 1865 | Painting |
| The Death of a Stag in Glen Tilt | Painting | |
| The Drive—Shooting Deer in the Pass | Painting | |
| The Drover's Departure | Painting | |
| The Highland Shepherd’s Dog | 1824; portfolio issue 1848 | |
| The Honourable Mrs Norton | Painting | |
| The Hunting of Chevy Chase | 1825–26 | Painting |
| The Illicit Highland Whisky Still | Painting | |
| The Keeper John Crerar with his Pony | Painting | |
| The Larder Invaded | ||
| The Lion-Dog of Malta | ||
| The Lions at the Base of Nelson's Column | 1867 | Sculpture |
| The Monarch of the Glen | about 1851 | Painting |
| The Mountain Torrent | ||
| The Old Shepherd's Chief Mourner | 1837 | Painting |
| The Sanctuary | 1842 | Painting |
| The Stricken Deer | Painting | |
| The Twa Dogs | Painting | |
| Time of Peace | ||
| Two stags running | Drawing | |
| Victoria, Princess Royal, with Eos | Painting | |
| View of Glenfeshie | Painting | |
| War | Painting | |
| White Horse in a Stable | Painting | |
| Windsor Castle in Modern Times | 1841–43 | Painting |
| Woburn Abbey Game Card | 1825; portfolio issue 1848 |
Discussion
Use the article’s images and evidence to develop your own reading of Alexander and Diogenes.
Reader Insights
Which detail is most revealing when you consider “A king visits the philosopher”?
How does the evidence in “The white dog and the dark opening” affect your reading of Alexander and Diogenes?
What further question would you bring to “Independence remains uncomfortable”?
Join the Conversation
Share a detail, comparison or question about Alexander and Diogenes below.
References
- Tate, Alexander and Diogenes, N00608, official published collection dataset, complete record, accessed 31 October 2026. Tate collection data. View source.
- Robin Hamlyn, entry 144, Alexander and Diogenes, in Richard Ormond, Sir Edwin Landseer (Philadelphia Museum of Art and Tate Gallery, 1981), pp. 197–199, including provenance, exhibition history, commentary and plate. Digitised catalogue. Exhibition wording, Bell's 1859 interpretation and unpublished 1851 correspondence cited through this entry. View source.
- National Gallery of Art, Alpine Mastiffs Reanimating a Distressed Traveler. View source.
- Minneapolis Institute of Art, The Cat's Paw. View source.
- Birmingham Museums Trust, The Hunting of Chevy Chase. View source.
- Victoria and Albert Museum, The Old Shepherd's Chief Mourner. View source.
- Tate, Dignity and Impudence. View source.
- Royal Collection, Eos. View source.
- Tate, Alexander and Diogenes. View source.
- National Galleries of Scotland, The Monarch of the Glen. View source.
- Royal Holloway, University of London, Man Proposes, God Disposes. View source.
- Trafalgar Square / Greater London Authority, The Lions at the Base of Nelson's Column. View source.
- Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 14.1–3, translated by Bernadotte Perrin. Complete chapter, accessed 31 October 2026. View source.
- Athenaeum, 13 May 1848, no. 1072, p. 489, Royal Academy review. Digitised issue. View source.
- F. G. Stephens, Sir Edwin Landseer (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1880), pp. 90–92. Digitised text, accessed 31 October 2026. View source.
- Metropolitan Museum of Art, Alexander and Diogenes, from the Illustrated London News, Horace Harral after Edwin Landseer, 17 June 1848, wood engraving, 26.28.828. Collection record, accessed 31 October 2026. Current attribution differs from Alfred Harral in Hamlyn's 1981 list. View source.
- Metropolitan Museum of Art, Alexander and Diogenes, Thomas Landseer after Edwin Landseer, 1852, etching, engraving and stipple on chine collé, proof before letters. Collection record, accessed 31 October 2026. View source.
- Charles Darwin to Briton Riviere, 1 April 1872, DCP-LETT-8265, transcript and editorial notes, particularly note 3 identifying the photograph, DAR 53.1: C141. Darwin Correspondence Project, accessed 31 October 2026. View source.
- Briton Riviere to Charles Darwin, 3 April 1872, DCP-LETT-8271, transcript and notes. Darwin Correspondence Project, accessed 31 October 2026. View source.
- Splash image, Alexander and Diogenes. Tate. Image source. Public domain.
- Navigation image, One of the bronze lions at Nelson’s Column: modelled by Edwin Landseer and cast by Carlo Marochetti. Photograph by Amanda Slater. CC BY-SA 2.0. Image source. CC BY-SA 2.0. Resized.


