by
Tom Gurney BSc (Hons) is an art history expert with over 20 years experience
Page created on March 2, 2018 / Page updated on October 6, 2026
Email: tomgurney1@gmail.com / Phone: +44 7429 011000

Introduction

Five figures stand or sit in the open square of Frida Kahlo’s Four Inhabitants of Mexico City: a worker-like effigy, a child, a pregnant-looking figure, a skeleton and a small horse with its rider. The apparent mismatch with the title is a way into the painting. The horse and rider form one small group, so four non-child figures can be counted, but the title alone does not establish why Kahlo placed the child among them or whom she intended the child to represent. [1] [4] [7]

The painting is also known as The Square Is Theirs, a title documented in later criticism, and appears in a scholarly checklist for the Paris Mexique exhibition of 1939 as Le square est à eux. Those names make the shared public space as important as the figures within it; the Paris listing alone does not prove the painting was hung. The original New York checklist and the notes of a 1939 interview with Kahlo have not been inspected, so neither an exhibition-era spelling nor a statement of the artist’s intention should be reconstructed from them. [3] [10] [19] [29]

At a Glance

  • Artist and titles: Frida Kahlo, Cuatro habitantes de la Ciudad de México / Four Inhabitants of Mexico City. Earlier exhibition titles differ. [2] [3] [4]
  • Date: Kettenmann, PBS and Museo Blaisten give 1938; Museo Frida Kahlo and a Museum of Modern Art publication sample give 1937. The conflict remains unresolved. [4] [5] [6] [7]
  • Medium and size: Oil on metal, 32.4 × 47.6 cm (12¾ × 18¾ inches), in the independently inspected Kettenmann and MoMA captions. A later wood-support caption conflicts with those records. [5] [7] [9]
  • Collection: Kettenmann and MoMA say private collection; PBS historically narrows this to California. None is a present owner, title or display certificate. [5] [6] [7]

Contents

  1. Introduction
  2. Looking Across the Square
  3. Four Inhabitants and a Fifth Figure
  4. The Worker Judas and Mexican Cartonería
  5. The Pregnant Figure and an Ancient Source Object
  6. A Cheerful Skeleton and a Fragile Horseman
  7. A Date That Remains Disputed
  8. New York, Paris and the Names of the Painting
  9. What Later Writers Have Made of the Figures

Looking Across the Square

The painting is a small horizontal object, yet its open ground gives three of its figures a startling scale. Low, pale buildings and roofs form a distant band beneath a cloudy blue-grey sky; broad, nearly empty space separates the figures. Museo Frida Kahlo identifies the setting as a Coyoacán square, while the checked reproductions alone cannot establish a particular façade or viewpoint. [4] [8]

At the viewer’s left, a moustached man-shaped effigy in dark overalls holds a long tan object. Thin pale lines cross parts of his body. Museo Frida Kahlo places two cartonería figures in the painting, and the overalled figure resembles a worker Judas documented in the couple’s collection, but the reproduction does not establish its exact maker, fastenings or the object in his hand. [4] [8] [11] [12]

The much smaller child sits just behind and to his right, wearing a red or pink garment. One hand rises towards the mouth, and the head turns upward towards the central area. The garment’s colour and the gesture are visible; its textile, regional identity and the child’s emotion cannot be established from these images. [8]

A large reddish-brown pregnant-looking figure occupies the centre. Its feet appear broken or truncated, and a dark line crosses the neck; beside it stands a tall white skeleton with a grinning skull and simplified articulated limbs. Farther right, a tiny straw-coloured horse and rider appear fibre-like, although the reproduction cannot determine their actual material or establish that an extant collection object was their model. [1] [8] [15]

The figures do not touch or perform an obvious shared action. Long shadows, clearest beneath the Judas and skeleton, run diagonally across the ground, while the child’s smallness and the distant horseman disrupt any consistent human scale. The painted shadows can be described without claiming, as some later writers have, that this is the only Kahlo painting in which shadows appear; no complete comparative study supports that exclusivity. [8] [9]

Watch: Frida Kahlo

Five perspectives to view here alongside the article.

Four Inhabitants of Mexico City in Kahlo’s career

Timeline source: Museo Frida Kahlo chronology [30].

Four Inhabitants and a Fifth Figure

The title says four, while the inspected images contain five depicted groups or figures if the horse and rider are counted together. Counting the effigy, pregnant-looking figure, skeleton and horseman as four leaves the child outside that arithmetic. This is a transparent reading of the composition, not a verified explanation supplied by Kahlo, and the title need not assign equal symbolic weight to each form. [1] [4] [7]

Archives identify a 27 May 1939 Parker Lesley interview with Kahlo and Rivera in the Hayden Herrera papers, and a separate Lesley collection also mentions notes from such an interview. Neither finding aid provides Kahlo’s words or identifies the child in this painting. The figure lacks the emphatic joined brow of many adult self-portraits, but resemblance alone cannot prove or disprove a childhood self-image; calling her Kahlo remains a later interpretation until the testimony chain is independently read. [8] [10]

Martin Forker suggests that the child might embody an Indigenous inheritance because she lacks the adult artist’s familiar features. He also describes her clothing as an archetypal Tehuana costume. These are later readings: the accessible visual record supports a small child in a reddish garment, not a securely identified textile or a documentary account of the child’s identity. [8] [9]

The Worker Judas and Mexican Cartonería

The effigy in overalls can be discussed as a worker judas in the Mexican tradition of cartonería, shaped paper and paste. Museo Frida Kahlo names two cartonería figures in the painting, and INBAL documents worker-Judas examples in the Riveras’ collection. INBAL describes reed or otate frameworks covered with paper and the Holy Saturday practice of destroying Judas effigies, but a general construction account does not constitute a technical examination of the painted model. [4] [11] [12]

INBAL reports that Diego Rivera and Kahlo collected roughly five hundred works associated with artisans Carmen Caballero Sevilla and Pedro Linares. Caballero made Judas figures and skulls, and the museum describes her connection with the couple in both commercial and personal terms. Museo Frida Kahlo says they frequently commissioned cartonería from Caballero and that two such figures appear in this painting; those statements make her an essential context, but do not prove she made the exact worker or skeleton depicted here. [4] [11] [12]

One INBAL account says Rivera commissioned a worker Judas in keeping with his communist outlook. This explains why an overalled worker could belong to the couple’s collection, not why Kahlo positioned this specific effigy next to her painted child. Forker reads the figure as an image of masculine power and Diego Rivera, while Valbuena López calls him a masculine counterpart to the pregnant woman; neither interpretation establishes a portrait identity or recovers an artist explanation. [9] [12] [13]

Judas effigies could be made for ritual destruction, and the pale lines on this figure might suggest their usual fittings. In the painting, however, the effigy stands intact and monumental against the open square. That change of setting and scale is visible; assigning it a fixed political or marital allegory would demand evidence the accessible sources do not provide. [8] [11] [12]

The Pregnant Figure and an Ancient Source Object

The central figure has a rounded abdomen and two conspicuous damaged-looking passages: truncated feet and a dark line at the neck. Museo Frida Kahlo and MoMA place pre-Columbian or older Mexican art within the painting’s cultural frame, but the accessible records cited here do not identify this figure’s exact archaeological source, collection object, material or place of origin. The often-cited comparison with figure 60 in the 1941 volume Art in Ancient Mexico has not been verified against that book. [1] [4] [7] [14]

The broader context matters because Rivera and Kahlo engaged with ancient Mexican objects as material for contemporary art. Museo Anahuacalli’s account of Rivera’s collection places West Mexican works among objects intended to inspire artists and the public. It does not identify this exact painted figure with an inventory item, give its archaeological context or establish whether Kahlo worked from a physical object or a photograph. [7] [15]

Valbuena López reads the pregnant form as an image of life amid desolation, while Vera places such figures within a wider account of pre-Columbian inheritance. Neither reading proves that this exact form was Kahlo’s chosen emblem of her medical history. Its visible damage can be described, but without an independently checked source-object record even the claim that Kahlo copied those breaks from an ancient sculpture must remain open. [8] [13] [22]

The distinction matters when this work is compared with The Wounded Table of 1940. Published images and scholarship show recurring figure types, including a skeleton and ancient-looking form, but similarity does not prove that two paintings depict the same physical sculpture or tell the same story. The later painting’s separate disappearance and provenance history should not be transferred to this one. [7] [16] [21]

A Cheerful Skeleton and a Fragile Horseman

The skeleton’s broad grin is plainly visible, though its exact construction cannot be determined from the reproductions. Castillo Cruz places Kahlo’s death figures in the context of the couple’s popular-art collection, and the grin permits a reading that includes humour rather than only fear. The original Lesley interview is not accessible here, so words sometimes attributed to Kahlo about this skeleton are not used as artist testimony. [8] [10] [21]

The little horse and rider look woven or fibre-like in the checked reproductions, but appearance alone cannot distinguish petatillo, tule reed or another material. Nor does an apparently fragile object establish why Kahlo included it. The accessible evidence supports describing its small scale and formal contrast with the larger figures, not repeating a purported artist explanation from an unread interview. [1] [8] [10]

INBAL documents toy horses in the Rivera–Kahlo collection, including objects made from other materials. None of the checked museum descriptions securely matches this minute painted horseman. A resemblance of subject does not establish a particular inventory number, maker or place of origin. [11] [12]

The figures bring unlike cultural forms into one plaza: an effigy associated with ritual, an ancient-looking damaged form, a skeleton and a tiny toy-like rider. Their juxtaposition invites thinking about durability and impermanence, but that is a reading of the composition, not a recovered statement of Kahlo’s programme. The physical histories of the depicted models remain unverified. [4] [7] [8] [11]

A Date That Remains Disputed

Kettenmann’s exact object list dates the oil-on-metal work to 1938, and PBS and Museo Blaisten likewise use 1938. A Nickolas Muray photograph catalogued by George Eastman Museum in that year supports the existence of the composition by 1938; the photograph cannot establish the day it was completed or prove that the painting carries a dated inscription. [5] [6] [17]

The contrary records deserve direct attention. Museo Frida Kahlo captions the work 1937 even though its surrounding chronology places it amid 1938 events and a 1937–38 interval. Jodi Roberts’s MoMA publication sample also captions it 1937 while agreeing on oil on metal, dimensions and private-collection status; the most responsible current formulation therefore prefers 1938 and explicitly records the 1937 institutional alternative. [4] [7]

No inspected physical label, dated artist statement, catalogue-raisonné entry or conservation examination resolves that discrepancy. Circulating claims of an inscription specifying 18 July 1938 and a coded message on the reverse are unsupported by the independently checked object records. Neither the date conflict nor the absence of reverse evidence should be made into a mystery that the picture itself can answer. [5] [7] [8]

New York, Paris and the Names of the Painting

Kahlo’s first New York solo exhibition ran at Julien Levy Gallery from 1 to 15 November 1938. The name The Square Is Theirs appears in Breslow’s later object-specific essay title as reported by Garber, and a French counterpart occurs in the 1939 Paris checklist. The Philadelphia Museum of Art archives hold a list of works and correspondence for the New York show, but those originals have not been inspected; this painting’s exact checklist wording, catalogue number, price, lender, appearance and sale status therefore remain unverified. [3] [18] [19] [29]

Alyce Mahon uses Kahlo’s contemporary letter to Alejandro Gómez Arias and the press to describe the artist’s excitement about the exhibition, and reports that about half its pictures sold. That show-wide fact cannot be turned into a claim that this painting sold. Nor can the surviving four-page invitation, known through Museo Dolores Olmedo metadata, substitute for reading the original checklist of works. [18] [19] [20]

The New York presentation placed Kahlo before reviewers who often filtered her painting through André Breton’s Surrealist sponsorship. Jodi Roberts’s MoMA study shows how contemporary Time and Vogue responses could merge the artist, Mexico and supposed childlike spontaneity into an exoticising narrative; Mahon examines the gendered and colonial limits of that reception. Their accounts illuminate the context in which this picture was shown, not a claim that every reviewer discussed its Judas or ceramic woman individually. [7] [18]

An academic checklist for Mexique, held at Galerie Renou et Colle in Paris in March 1939, names Four Inhabitants of Mexico City as Le square est à eux. The French title closely follows the earlier English name and shows that the square remained part of its international identity. A separately checked Spanish study of the exhibition documents one Kahlo painting that appeared on the printed list but was not hung; without an item-level installation record, Four Inhabitants of Mexico City’s own listing should not be promoted to proven display. [3] [28]

Jaime Moreno Villarreal’s study describes Kahlo’s paintings in one gallery space, with pre-Columbian works in vitrines and popular objects, including skeletons and puppets, nearby. That documented installation context resonates with Four Inhabitants of Mexico City’s own arrangement of painted figures, but does not show where or even whether this particular painting was displayed. The study also records the exhibition catalogue’s seventeen Kahlo oils, while the scholarly digital checklist includes a listed work that the study says was withdrawn; the discrepancy is another reason to keep catalogue and wall distinct. [3] [28]

The current Museo Frida Kahlo parenthetical El zócalo es suyo introduces another inflection. A zócalo is a central square, but suyo is context-dependent and does not automatically mean “theirs” in every use. The English destination’s shorter Four Inhabitants of Mexico is a route convention, not a second object or a reason to erase the more specific Mexico City title used by MoMA. [4] [7]

What Later Writers Have Made of the Figures

Museo Frida Kahlo calls the painting a homage to popular art and identifies two cartonería figures. MoMA’s published sample describes pre-Columbian references coexisting with contemporary folk customs, but neither institution’s brief account identifies every depicted model. The picture can be read as a deliberately assembled encounter without flattening the figures into a catalogue of fixed symbols or treating all of them as products of one tradition. [4] [7]

Spanish-language writers extend that encounter in different directions. Nathalia Valbuena López sees a desolate post-Revolutionary plaza, with pregnancy as life amid desolation, the Judas as masculine counterpart and the rider as a remnant of conflict. Carlos Castillo Cruz instead emphasises the couple’s popular-art collection and the way death figures such as the skull inhabit Kahlo’s art; neither writer supplies an object-specific Kahlo statement that would turn these interpretations into settled intention. [13] [21]

Luis Roberto Vera places the painting within a wider argument about pre-Columbian inheritance and the coexistence of life and death in Mexican culture. His theoretical framework gives one account of the ensemble’s cultural reach, but it should not be mistaken for a timeless description of a single Mexican worldview. Forker’s later psychological interpretation is more individualised: he sees the child as abandoned, the Judas as macho Diego and shadows as her only connections to the others, while his object caption also misidentifies the support as wood. [9] [22]

An earlier critical debate complicates a simple choice between Mexican and European sources. Nancy Breslow’s 1982 essay, Frida Kahlo’s “The Square Is Theirs”: Spoofing Giorgio de Chirico, has not been read in full, but Elizabeth Garber’s 1992 scholarly review describes Breslow’s argument: the painting draws on Mexican folk and pre-Columbian forms while making a pointed response to European Surrealist painting. This is an attributed account of Breslow through Garber, not proof that Kahlo deliberately quoted a particular de Chirico work; its argument can be considered through Garber, while the original essay remains unconsulted. [29]

Those differences are not merely a contest over which symbol key wins. The visible child, damaged-looking figure and shadows are direct observations of reproductions; the cartonería collection is documented separately; political and psychological meanings are attributed interpretations. The broad empty square permits those arguments, but cannot independently verify abandonment, submission, a Rivera portrait or a message about the Mexican Revolution. [4] [8] [9] [11] [13] [21] [22]

Ownership, Visibility and Technical Limits

The painting’s later chain of custody is much less secure than its published titles. Kettenmann and MoMA say private collection, while PBS’s historical location list specifies California. An older educational mention of Palo Alto does not name a legal owner or establish where the work is today. [5] [6] [7] [13]

Guillermo Carnero wrote in 2007 that the painting had disappeared after the New York exhibition. That older assertion cannot be repeated as a verified present status: later MoMA and PBS records describe a private collection, although neither proves where the painting is now. No checked post-1939 display, transaction or uninterrupted provenance chain resolves the question. [6] [7] [23]

George Eastman Museum’s 1938 record of Nickolas Muray’s photograph of the painting is an important historical witness to the image. It is a photograph of the artwork, however, not a document identifying the painting’s owner, its exhibition checklist entry or its current location. Its ownership record concerns the photograph, not the painting. [17]

Oil on metal and the published dimensions are comparatively secure, but no checked technical report identifies the metal, preparatory layers, pigments, treatment or condition. The copies inspected for looking were printed or digitally extracted reproductions, not a physical examination. The dark line on the pregnant-looking figure belongs to the represented form; it must not be diagnosed as a crack in the painted metal support. [1] [5] [7] [8]

Ana Lara’s Musical Response

The picture has generated an afterlife outside visual art. In 2007 Mexican composer Ana Lara wrote Cuatro habitantes for four percussionists and orchestra; in an interview with La Jornada, she described four character-based moments within a single movement and discussed the painting’s colour and drama. Her response is evidence of what a later artist found generative, not a key to Kahlo’s original intention. [24]

IRCAM records a commission connected with Museo Anahuacalli, a duration of about twenty minutes and a premiere on 8 December 2007 at Centro Cultural Ollin Yoliztli with the Mexico City Philharmonic under Enrique Barrios. A newspaper preview also mentioned an Anahuacalli presentation, so the two references should not be compressed into a single, unqualified venue and date. Lara’s programme materials repeat the unsupported “only painting with shadows” claim; the music is worth noting without adopting that assertion. [24] [25]

Books and Open Questions

Nancy Deffebach’s María Izquierdo and Frida Kahlo has a chapter devoted to West Mexican figures in Kahlo’s paintings, according to the publisher’s contents. The exact Four Inhabitants of Mexico City pages and notes have not been checked in an authorised copy, so no object-specific assertion from that chapter controls this account. Kettenmann’s Spanish Frida Kahlo 1907–1954: Dolor y pasión supplies a separately checked plate and object-list entry, not a claim that the entire monograph was read. [2] [5]

Luis-Martín Lozano, Kettenmann and Marina Vázquez Ramos’s Frida Kahlo: The Complete Paintings is another exact-catalogue lead, but only its publisher metadata, not the Four Inhabitants of Mexico City entry, was available. The older catalogue raisonné, Herrera’s 1979 Artscanada article, Lesley’s 1939 notes, the 1938 Julien Levy work list and the original 1939 Mexique catalogue could sharpen date, title, testimony and provenance. The 1941 Art in Ancient Mexico figure and a collection inventory would test the proposed ancient-object comparison; none is represented as consulted here. [10] [14] [19] [26] [27]

The checked passages by Mahon, Roberts, Valbuena López, Castillo Cruz and Vera are valuable for reception and interpretation, but they do not replace a physical or archival object record; Roberts was available only as a publisher sample. The remaining gaps are concrete: who first held the painting, whether it sold in 1938 or 1939, what its inscriptions or reverse show, whether the 1937 date has primary support, and where it can be seen now. A reader can understand the painting without fabricated answers to those questions. [7] [13] [18] [21] [22]

Moreno Villarreal’s Frida en París, 1939 now sharpens the Paris limit from actual catalogue and installation analysis at selected pages, while Garber points to Breslow’s short, earlier essay as a needed object-specific source. Neither the full Moreno Villarreal volume nor Breslow’s original article is claimed as read in its entirety. These sources improve the page by questioning display and widening the reception history, not by adding generic Surrealist biography. [28] [29]

The Wounded Table study examines a later ensemble of figures without assuming the same physical models. My Dress Hangs There approaches Kahlo's response to New York through a different painting, while the style and Surrealism guide places her exhibition-era reception in a wider critical context.

Questions Readers Ask

One plausible visual count treats the worker effigy, pregnant-looking figure, skeleton and horse-and-rider as four groups, with the child as a fifth figure. The exact reason for the title is not established by the inspected original records, and the surviving interview finding aids do not disclose Kahlo’s explanation. [1] [4] [10]

Kettenmann, PBS and Museo Blaisten give 1938, but Museo Frida Kahlo and a MoMA publication sample give 1937. No inspected inscription, conservation record or full catalogue-raisonné entry resolves the difference. The page uses 1938 as the preferred date and keeps 1937 visible as a genuine institutional conflict. [4] [5] [6] [7]

Its overalls and the Riveras’ worker-Judas collection make the comparison intelligible, and Forker advances it as an interpretation. No independently checked artist statement identifies the painted effigy as Rivera. It is more securely called a worker Judas than a Diego portrait. [4] [9] [12]

Carnero’s 2007 disappearance claim conflicts with later MoMA and PBS private-collection records. Those records do not establish current ownership, access or display, so no present public location can responsibly be supplied. [6] [7] [23]

Discussion

Use the cited evidence and your own close looking to explain your view. The prompts below are starting points, not fixed interpretations.

Reader Insights

Close Looking

How can a painting with five figures bear a title naming four inhabitants?

Context

What do the New York and Paris titles change about the role of the square?

Open Question

Which evidence supports a 1938 date, and what keeps 1937 in the discussion?

Join the Conversation

Which reading best fits the evidence, and where does uncertainty remain?

References

  1. Visual description from Andrea Kettenmann’s inspected plate, printed p. 48/PDF p. 50, compared with Jodi Roberts’s Museum of Modern Art publication sample, printed p. 34/PDF p. 10. These published reproductions support visible composition only, not physical condition, calibrated colour or an explanation of Kahlo’s intention; neither image is reproduced here.
  2. Nancy Deffebach, María Izquierdo and Frida Kahlo: Challenging Visions in Modern Mexican Art (University of Texas Press, 2015), publisher contents listing chapter 3, “Revitalizing the Past: Precolumbian Figures from West Mexico in Kahlo’s Paintings.” The cited pages and notes concerning Four Inhabitants were not verified in an authorised copy; this reference supplies bibliographic context only, not evidence for the painting-specific claims in this article. View source text.
  3. Transatlantic Encounters, “Frida Kahlo in interwar Paris”, Mexique checklist and Le square est à eux entry, lines 45–60. This scholarly digital checklist is not the unread original Paris catalogue. View source text.
  4. Museo Frida Kahlo, official chronology, Four Inhabitants of Mexico City/Coyoacán entry, New York and Paris blocks and La Rosita chronology. It captions the painting 1937 inside a broader 1938/1937–38 sequence and names two cartonería figures and Carmen Caballero. View source text.
  5. Andrea Kettenmann, Frida Kahlo 1907–1954: Dolor y pasión (1999 Spanish edition), plate/printed p. 48, PDF p. 50, and exact object-list entry PDF p. 97. Only those pages and surrounding publication context were checked; the full monograph is not represented as read.
  6. PBS/WETA, “Where to Find Frida’s Paintings”, Four Inhabitants row; Museo Blaisten, “Juderos”, comparative 1938 object reference. PBS’s California statement is a published location, not a current title certificate. View source text 1; View source text 2.
  7. Jodi Roberts, Frida Kahlo: Self-Portrait with Cropped Hair (Museum of Modern Art, 2019), twelve-page publisher review sample, printed p. 34/PDF p. 10, figure 23. Its Four Inhabitants caption says 1937, oil on metal, 32.4 × 47.6 cm, private collection; only the sample, not the complete book, was read. View source text.
  8. The visual descriptions here are the author's observations of Kettenmann's published plate (reference 5, printed p. 48) and Roberts's MoMA publisher sample (reference 7, figure 23), not observations of the physical painting. Reproductions cannot settle fine colour, materials or condition.
  9. Martin Forker, “Achieving Visual Literacy: Frida Kahlo and the Body”, Art Education Research 18, printed pp. 154–55/PDF pp. 27–28. Its attributed psychological and shadow readings are separated from its incorrect wood-support caption and unproved unique-shadow assertion. View source text.
  10. Archives of American Art, Hayden Herrera papers, box 9, folder 29, Parker Lesley interview dated 27 May 1939; National Gallery of Art, Lesley papers finding aid. These locate, but do not expose, the original interview; Herrera’s 1979 Artscanada article is likewise unread. View source text 1; View source text 2.
  11. INBAL, “Exhiben colección de Diego Rivera y Frida Kahlo conformada por Judas”, 18 April 2019, collection, construction and artisan paragraphs. View source text.
  12. INBAL, 2024 cartonería workshop bulletin, 26 November 2024, Caballero, Linares and worker-Judas paragraphs; 2023 Casa Estudio bulletin, comparable worker and horse objects. Similar collection pieces are not proven models for the painting. View source text 1; View source text 2.
  13. Nathalia Valbuena López, La autonomía del artista frente a su época de producción (Universidad Libre de Colombia, 2013), printed pp. 32–34, author-uploaded degree monograph. Her political and gendered interpretations are attributed, not adopted as Kahlo’s statements. View source text.
  14. Gilbert Médioni, Marie-Thérèse Pinto and Diego Rivera, Art in Ancient Mexico (Oxford University Press, 1941), WorldCat OCLC 2697979. The book, figure 60 and caption were not acquired; its possible relation to the central painted form is an unverified research lead. View source text.
  15. Museo Anahuacalli, “La colección de Diego Rivera”, collection-purpose and West Mexican objects section. It does not catalogue the exact sculpture proposed as a model for Four Inhabitants. View source text.
  16. Independently inspected published reproductions and the Museo Frida Kahlo chronology distinguish this 1930s work from The Wounded Table of 1940; resemblance among figure types is not proof of a shared physical model. View source text.
  17. George Eastman Museum, Nickolas Muray photograph of Four Inhabitants, 1938 gelatin-silver print object record. Its image is research-only and is not the painting’s provenance record. View source text.
  18. Alyce Mahon, “The Lost Secret: Frida Kahlo and the Surrealist Imaginary”, Journal of Surrealism and the Americas 5.1–2 (2011), pp. 33–54, especially pp. 33–39 on the November 1938 exhibition, Kahlo’s letter, sales and reception. View source text.
  19. Philadelphia Museum of Art Archives, Julien Levy Gallery Records, box 16, folder 1, Kahlo exhibition list and correspondence finding-aid entry. The box contents were not inspected. View source text.
  20. Museo Dolores Olmedo, 1938 Julien Levy invitation metadata, four-page invitation. Its metadata does not supply the painting's checklist position or sale status. View source text.
  21. Carlos Castillo Cruz, “Thanatos en la obra de Diego Rivera y Frida Kahlo”, Discurso Visual 9, especially lines 52–53 on Four Inhabitants and the couple’s popular-art collection. View source text.
  22. Luis Roberto Vera, “Octavio Paz y Frida Kahlo: La herencia precolombina”, Casa del Tiempo 2 (December 2007–January 2008), printed pp. 52–53. Its cultural interpretation is not object provenance or an artist statement. View source text.
  23. Guillermo Carnero, “Frida Kahlo: Folclore, tradición y vanguardia”, Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos 688 (October 2007), p. 104; the Cervantes Virtual reproduction catalogues the essay as pp. 97–99, a pagination discrepancy requiring checking against the journal issue. His historical disappearance assertion cannot serve as a current location claim in light of later MoMA and PBS private-collection records. View source text.
  24. Ángel Vargas, “Comparto con Kahlo el uso y manejo del color: Ana Lara”, La Jornada, 5 December 2007, complete interview and concert preview. View source text.
  25. IRCAM, Ana Lara, Cuatro habitantes, 2007 work record, instrumentation, duration, Anahuacalli commission and 8 December premiere metadata. View source text.
  26. TASCHEN, Frida Kahlo: The Complete Paintings, publisher metadata only. Its exact entry for Four Inhabitants and the complete commercial volume remain unread; Deffebach’s cited chapter and Gannit Ankori’s Frida Kahlo are also acquisition leads, not consulted text. View source text.
  27. Museo Frida Kahlo, Bibliografía Frida Kahlo, pp. 1–2. This is a book-acquisition map, not proof that its listed monographs were read. View source text.
  28. Jaime Moreno Villarreal, Frida en París, 1939 (Turner Noema), selected PDF pp. 141–44 on the gallery arrangement, printed catalogue and a listed-but-unhung Kahlo work. Only these exact pages and publication matter were read, not the complete volume; the book does not establish this painting's individual wall position. View source text.
  29. Elizabeth Garber, “Art Critics on Frida Kahlo: A Comparison of Feminist and Non-Feminist Voices”, Art Education 45.2 (March 1992), pp. 42–48, especially p. 46 on Nancy Breslow’s 1982 essay on Four Inhabitants and p. 47 bibliography. The complete Garber article was read in a JSTOR scan mirrored by an educational host; Breslow’s original Arts Magazine 56.5 (January 1982), pp. 120–23, remains unread. View source text.
  30. Museo Frida Kahlo's chronology supplies the comparison dates but captions Four Inhabitants 1937. Kettenmann's 1999 object list (reference 5) and other records give 1938, while MoMA's Jodi Roberts sample also gives 1937. The marker preserves that conflict, not a precise making interval. View source text 1; View source text 2.